Source: https://destinationsguide.copaair.com/en-ca/flights-to-costa-rica
By: Adriana Ibale Barajas
DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the KCL Latin American Society or El Cortao.
Since gaining independence, Latin American states have often experienced violence and political disruption in their domestic affairs; some scholars attribute such instability to the close connection between the political and military realm. The academic literature on the topic highlights the contestability of civil-military relations in Latin America due to historical evidence which suggests that a strong military force has been tied to a pitfall in social growth. The case of Costa Rica portrays that despite having neighbouring states as potential external threats, the abolition of its army has strengthened its political, social and economic development. Actually, Costa Rica’s demilitarisation in 1948 has instead enhanced its regional security in spite of prospective threats from Nicaragua for instance.
From the years 1890 to 1948, Costa Rica had experienced “at least four unsuccessful coup attempts and eleven revolts against the government” alongside eight ammendments to the constitution due to internal disputes (Wilson, 1998). With the end of the 1948 Costa Rican Civil War, President José Figueres disbanded the army in order to prevent further challenges to his rule from Picado’s military-backed government. The military had in the past regularly been used as a tool by the elites to impose their authority and foster social inequality. The army had not been employed as brutally as in other countries such as Guatemala and El Salvador but the Picado administration had resorted to its use to maintain political power. Figueres’ decision on demilitarising Costa Rica was therefore not an economic goal but based on internal security which also managed to influence institutional development seeing as there has not been significant political violence in the country since then.
Turmoil in the country was also previously generated due to foreign powers’ interests entangling with military control. Latin American elites wanted to attract foreign investments to make their commercial land lucrative and even resorted to yielding control to a foreign power and indirectly promoting an externally instigated revolution. An example of “military facilitated bloodshed” was the Coffee Coup of 1917, the Costa Rican government tried to restructure the tax system and make the upper class contribute more (Benton, 2016). In response the elites led a military coup against the government installing military leader Federico Tinoco as the country’s dictator. This served as a lesson and demonstrated the dangers of conveying excessive power to the military, through the discreditation of the army Costa Rica eliminated this danger altogether. At a time where other Latin American countries were plagued with military dictatorships, Costa Rica was undergoing a period of positive social and economic development. Costa Rica’s demilitarisation aided in protecting its domestic security by generating a stable environment free from internal political threats and injustices propagated by the use of military force. The main threats to the state were either sourced from possible coups or instigated from an external power, Figueres’ decision on neutralising the military resolved both issues.
The lack of a military force not only marked a difference in terms of political and judicial security in the country, but also meant that the funds previously gone to military expenditure were now able to lay the foundations for positive growth through facilitating commerce, investment and employment rates (Sada, 2015). Abarca and Ramirez published the first study which linked the abolishment of the military with economic success; the scholars found that before 1948 Costa Rica was the fourth country with the slowest GDP rate in Latin America, yet after it became the second state with fastest growth just behind Brazil. General welfare also improved as for example when having an army, 21% of Costa Rica’s economically active population was covered by health care whereas in 1978 the figure rose to 66% (Abarca and Ramirez, 2018).
One must acknowledge that even if Costa Rica was a politically and economically secure country taking into account its geographical location, it still underwent difficulties and its success cannot be compared to those of developed nations (Trejos, 2008). Issues such as the deterioration of regional trade and amounts of debt owed to lenders abroad cannot be ignored. Despite these domestic problems Costa Ricans still believed that their greatest threat in the 1980s was Nicaragua, Nicaragua’s increase in military strength as well as territorial disputes between the two states fostered a sense of mistrust in regards to Nicaraguan intentions. However, Costa Rica has an ally in the United States due to the fact that it serves as a successful example of Latin American democracy and is simultaneously compatible with the U.S’ system. In this sense, the United States has a ‘dual interest in the continuity of the system’ which thus acts in Costa Rica’s favour and protection (Furlong, 1987).
Ultimately, the absence of a Costa Rican military force has helped to maintain political and institutional stability and hence foster economic growth and widespread welfare in the country. Past attempts by social elites and foreign powers to use the military as a tool in their favour were no longer possible; at a time where other states in the region were suffering from dictatorships and social unrest, Costa Rica was free from this danger sourced from the use of military force. Furthermore, funds previously gone to military expenditure were now employed to fund economic projects raising general welfare and education levels. Nonetheless, regional threats were still a perceived problem amongst the population even if these disputes have not escalated into major concerns.
Adriana is a 3rd year International Relations student at KCL, who is particularly interested in the impact of identity politics and international development in Latin America.
Bibliography
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