Source: https://www.clarin.com/fotogalerias/impactantes-fotos-protestas-nuevo-presidente-peru-destitucion-vizcarra_5_ndMABbPBj.html
By: Arianna Sanchez
DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the KCL Latin American Society or El Cortao.
The last piece I wrote for El Cortao’ regarded the socio-political consequences of Venezuelan immigration in Peru. It ended with hope that the 2021 elections would help unite Peruvians rather than separate us. Turns out that the government did help us unite –even prior than expected. However, it was not because of their good politics, but because of an attempted coup. Our current interim President, Francisco Sagasti, seems to be setting a path towards fair and timely elections in April 2021–he, however, did not get into power effortlessly. It took two dead protesters, dozens missingand more than a hundred injured to reinstate democracy in Peru. These series of events signify, in my opinion, a paradigm shift in Peruvian politics. From the perspective of someone who experienced this from first-hand, this article will attempt to look into the events that drove us to a coup and how Peruvian people managed to take back the power Congress took from us.
Race to the bottom
The issue at hand is one of high complexity and nuance, however I will try my best to summarise the crucial events that led to this point. We could say that the series of events leading to the attempted coup started when Pedro Pablo Kuczinsky (PPK) renounced his presidency in 2017 after an attempted impeachment from Congress against him. Congress justified their move with a collection of allegations tying PPK with corrupt people and firms –Odebrecht being the most important amongst the group. PPK renounced presidency after a seemingly never-ending battle with his main political opposition, Fuerza Popular. Martín Vizcarra, PPK’s Vice-President, assumed presidency right after in 2018. This event was, as García-Marquez would put it, a chronicle of a death foretold.
Martin Vizcarra truly did not expect the level of political and economic turmoil he would face in the upcoming years. Fuerza Popular, Keiko Fujimori’s political party and his main political opposition, was quick to use various events to develop antipathy towards Vizcarra amongst Congress and the general Peruvian population. The impeachment was based on the grounds that Vizcarra had been involved in different events concerning corruption, with allegations dating back to 2011. In the long run, however, it seems to me that Vizcarra’sdecision to dissolve Congress in 2019 and call for elections pushed these politicians to decide it was in their best interests to remove Vizcarra from presidency. Once he was gone, they were safe.
Peruvians strike back: The protests
What the government did not seem to account for in their master plan was the level of protesting against them that would occur in the days following the impeachment. Neither did they expect the levels of police brutality these protests would bring with them. What would happen after Manuel Merino assumed de facto presidency acted as a strong wake up call for Peruvians, and these people in government were now the common enemy for us all.
Peruvians started taking the streets to protest against Merino’s de facto presidency the day after it occurred –on the 10th of November. From the start, protesters were challenged by a repressive police force; tear gas asphyxiated protesters, whilst rubber bullets left several hurt. A source of anger, that further incentivised protesters to take the streets by the masses, was the lack of exposure of police brutality by the Peruvian media. Given the censoring by national media, Peruvians took the issue to social media, where platforms such as Twitter, Instagram and Facebook were flooded with evidence of the levels of police brutality faced during the protests.
However, the turning point had a very specific date: Saturday 14th of November 2020. The day started with tanks on the streets, police disguised as civilians and in every corner. This seemed to signal that Merino’s government was not willing to resign, but rather wanted to silence protesters through intimidation. What started as peaceful protests took an awfully dark turn towards the end of the day. The speed in which things took a turn for the worse led to information all over social media and the news. To say it was overwhelming would be completely undermining the speed and intensity in which events occurred on that night. The levels of police brutality protesters experienced that Saturday were astonishing. My own social media was full of either friends asking for help due to injuries or those documenting the actions of the police.
Then the official news started flooding in. One protester had been killed. With no time for Peruvians to even attempt to process it, and with thousands still attempting to escape the repressive police on the streets, the second death was announced. Inti Sotelo and Bryan Pintado died at the hands of the Peruvian police that Saturday. Dozens more did not return home that day, with allegations of forceful disappearances carried out by the police. This was the straw that broke the camel’s back.
Reinstating democracy
After the events of that Saturday, Ministers assigned by Merino started to quit their posts. It started with the Minister of Women and Vulnerable Populations shortly after the news reported the deaths of two protesters and the disappearance of dozens more. It was clear that they had finally realised the extent to which they had infuriated the general Peruvian population with their ‘constitutional’ impeachment in the middle of a sanitary crisis. The continued protests and massive social media movement indicated that Peruvians were not about to be silenced. Moreover, the deaths of two protesters implied potential judicial investigations to be opened against them –this was not political opportunism for them anymore, it was political suicide. After around twelve Ministers had resigned, large social media platforms and politicians, who had not said a word before, started to heavily criticise the government in an attempt to save themselves from our anger.
By Sunday morning, it was clear Merino had to resign as soon as possible to avoid further deaths and violence. He did not even have a cabinet anymore –there was virtually no choice. As people took the streets to pay tribute to the victims of the previous night, Manuel Merino finally appeared on our television screens. After a convoluted speech that showed an inability to assume responsibility for those injured and killed by the police, he finally said it: he resigned. On that same day, 15th of November, the attorney general of the nation, Zoraida Ávalos, filed a lawsuit against Manuel Merino, Prime Minister Antero Flores-Aráoz and Minister of the Interior Gastón Rodriguez for violations against human rights.
With no President and no ministerial cabinet, we found ourselves on a limbo. Congress had to choose a new executive branch –the same government which betrayed us. After one full day of complex political manoeuvres behind the scenes,and the surprising rejection of the first candidate list, Congress allegedly promised to bring some political stability. They finally chose the new members of the executive on the 16th of November. With the families of Inti Sotelo and Bryan Pintado present in the ceremony, new interim-President Francisco Sagasti assumed presidency, giving an emotional speech addressing our fight for democracy and promising justice to those affected. Some hope was restored.
Concluding thoughts
I want to end this piece on one main note: Peruvians did not take the streets to reinstate ex-President Vizcarra into power. Peruvians did not fight against exceedingly repressive policefor him. Peruvians fought to reinstate democracy and fought the police for ourselves. It has been decades of normalising terrible, exclusionary politics. Of normalising the advantage taken by those who claim to represent us. Of normalising the uncertainty of whether next year we could have anotherpolitical crisis. We learn from our mistakes, yet we have a long road ahead. now that we have finally opened our eyes, I hope we do not close them again.
Arianna is a Peruvian 3rd Year Politics Student at King’s College London with a passion for Latin American politics and political risk-management.
